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22 December 2018

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On 4 February 1990, what remained of the party was renamed solely as the PDS. There were 32 two family buildings 10. In 2000 there were 475 apartments in the village.

- All the high ranking party functionaries were represented in it along with other senior government officials provided they were already party members.

The of this article is. Relevant discussion may be found on the. Please do not remove this message until. December 2017 The Socialist Unity Party of Germany : Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED , established in April 1946, was the governing political party of the from the country's foundation in October 1949 until it was dissolved after the in 1989. The SED made the teaching of and the compulsory in schools. In the 1980s, the SED rejected the liberalisation policies of Soviet leader , such as and , which would lead to the GDR's isolation from the restructuring USSR and the party's downfall in the autumn of 1989. The party's dominant figure from 1950 to 1971, and effective leader of East Germany, was. In 1953, an was met with violent suppression by the and the. In 1971, Ulbricht was succeeded by who presided over a stable period in the development of the GDR until he was forced to step down during the 1989 revolution. The party's last leader, , was unsuccessful in his attempt to retain the SED's hold on political governance of the GDR and was imprisoned after. The SED's long-suppressed reform wing took over the party in the fall of 1989. In hopes of changing its image, on 16 December it renamed itself the PDS , abandoning Marxism—Leninism and becoming a mainstream party. In 2007, the PDS merged with WASG into Die Linke , the fifth largest party in the following the. The SED was founded on 21 April 1946 by a merger of the SPD and the KPD which was based in the of Germany and the Soviet-occupied sector of Berlin. Official East German and Soviet histories portrayed this merger as a voluntary pooling of efforts by the socialist parties. By all accounts, the Soviet occupation authorities applied great pressure on the SPD's eastern branch to merge with the KPD. The newly merged party, with the help of the Soviet authorities, swept to victory in the 1946 elections for local and regional assemblies held in the Soviet zone. However, these elections were held under less-than-secret conditions, thus setting the tone for the next four decades. In that contest, the SED received less than half the votes of the SPD. The bulk of the Berlin SPD remained aloof from the merger, even though Berlin was deep inside the Soviet zone. The initials: SVAG directly governed the eastern areas of Germany following World War II, and their intelligence operations carefully monitored all political activities. An early intelligence report from Propaganda Administration director Lieutenant Colonel see External Links below indicates that the former KPD and SPD members created different factions within the SED and remained rather mutually antagonistic for some time after the formation of the new party. Also reported was a great deal of difficulty in convincing the masses that the SED was a German political party, and not merely a tool of the Soviet occupation force. As a result, the early SED party apparatus frequently became effectively immobilised as former KPD members began discussing any proposal, however small, at great length with former SPD members, so as to achieve consensus and avoid offending them. Soviet intelligence claimed to have a list of names of an SPD group within the SED that was covertly forging links with the SPD in the West and even with the occupation authorities. A problem for the Soviets that they identified with the early SED was its potential to develop into a nationalist party. At large party meetings, members applauded speakers who talked of nationalism much more than when they spoke of solving social problems and gender equality. Some even proposed the idea of establishing an independent German socialist state free of both Soviet and Western influence, and of soon regaining that the , and ultimately the , had re allocated to Poland, the USSR, and Czechoslovakia. Soviet negotiators reported that SED politicians frequently pushed past the boundaries of the political statements which had been approved by the Soviet monitors, and there was some initial difficulty making regional SED officials realize that they should think carefully before opposing the political positions decided upon by the Central Committee in Berlin. Although it was nominally a merger of equals, from the beginning the SED was dominated by Communists. By the late 1940s, the SED began to purge most recalcitrant Social Democrats from its ranks. By the time of East Germany's formal establishment in 1949, the SED was a full-fledged Communist party—essentially the KPD under a new name. It began to develop along lines similar to other Communist parties in the Soviet bloc. Although other parties nominally continued to exist, the Soviet occupation authorities forced them to join in the , a nominal coalition of parties that was for all intents and purposes controlled by the SED. By ensuring that Communists predominated on the list of candidates put forward by the National Front, the SED effectively predetermined the composition of legislative bodies in the Soviet zone, and from 1949 in East Germany. Over the years, the SED gained a reputation as one of the most hardline parties in the Soviet bloc. When initiated reforms in the Soviet Union in the 1980s, the SED held to an orthodox line. Basic organisation The party organisation was based on, and co-located with, the institutions of the German Democratic Republic. Its influence stood behind and shaped every facet of public life. This meant that the party organisation was at work in , , and in the larger , expressly mandated to monitor and regulate the operational management of each institution. The smallest organisational unit in the party was the Party Group. Group members elected one of their number Party Group Organiser PGO , to take responsibility for Party Work. There were also a , an Agitator, and according to the size of the group other associated members included in the Party Group leadership. Party conference The was formally the party's leading institution. Increasingly, party conferences were planned with military-level precision. Their choreography was carefully undertaken to ensure that they were understood as high-profile society events. They were very much more than mere political functions. Delegates were selected from the regional and sectional party organisations according to criteria determined by the Party Central Committee. Party Secretaries Party secretaries existed at different levels within the party. They usually held their offices on an unsalaried basis, often combining their party secretarial duties with a salaried function. Where a basic administrative unit grew beyond a certain size tensions tended to arise between the party secretary and fellow committee members, and at this point a full-time salaried party secretary would be appointed. Party secretaries in very large industrial combines and other economically important institutions would combine their party secretarial roles with membership of a more powerful body, applying a structural element maintained right up to the level of the Party Central Committee. The task of the Party Secretaries was the organisation of political work. They prepared the party meetings and organised political training in partnership with the party leaderships. They ensured implementation of and compliance with party decisions, and undertook general reporting and leadership duties. Where work on occasion attracted criticism, there were many ways on which changes could be passed on. This fact lay behind the burgeoning bureaucratization of the party apparatus and the presence of Stalinistic tendencies. Party secretaries underwent a special monthly political process that included instructive guidance and verification by representatives from higher level party committees. Along with their party responsibilities, party secretaries were members of the state administration, and they secured the leadership role that the SED claimed for itself in businesses and offices. Managerial decisions were discussed and ultimately decided in party committees. This meant that a manager, provided he was a party member, was committed to implementing those decisions. There were in total 262 of these sectional leadership teams, including one each for the , the , the Foreign Ministry, the Foreign Trade Ministry, the State Railway organisation, the military branches of the Interior Ministry, the , the , each of which had its own integrated political administrative structure. Regional directorates The party's regional structure started with the country's fifteen regions. Regional level government structure changed dramatically with the abolition of regional assemblies in 1952, but each administrative structure always had party secretary, applying a structure also replicated in administrative structures at local levels. It worked alongside the administrative body of paid officials who were occasionally also members of the party leadership team. At a regional level the SED leadership team was typically supported by a First Secretary and a Second Secretary, and a secretariat team responsible for , Economy, Science, Culture and Agriculture. There were also regional teams to shadow the regional teams of national institutions such as the , the and the Planning Commission. Central Committee Except when the Party Congress was in session, the Party Central Committee was the party's leading element. Power was centred on the Committee Secretariat, which was chaired by a First Secretary 1953-1976 or a General Secretary 1950-1953 and 1976-1989. This function was combined with chairmanship of the Politburo. The General Secretary until 1971 was : he was succeeded by. In the political hierarchy of the members of the Central Committee ranked above government ministers. In July 1950, at the third Party Conference, the SED's Central Committee was elected on the , which at this time employed a single list electoral system: most members of the serving party executive were replaced. It was striking that more than 62% of the new Central Committee members had been members of the before the party merger of 1946. By membership of the Central Committee had increased to 165: there were also 57 people listed as candidates for membership. All the high ranking party functionaries were represented in it along with other senior government officials provided they were already party members. Beyond the professional functionaries and politicians the Committee also included the chiefs of the country's leading institutions and industrial combines, the president of the country's , top military officers and party veterans. The Party Central Committee, reflecting the country's overall power structure, was overwhelmingly male: the proportion of women never rose above 15%. Politburo of the Central Committee The most important day-to-day work of the Central Committee was undertaken by the , a small circle of senior party officers, comprising between 15 and 25 members, along with approximately 10 non-voting candidate members. The politburo members included approximately ten Central Committee Secretaries. The General Secretary of the Central Committee also held the Chairmanship of the Politburo along with all his other functions. The country's government, formally headed by the , was required only to implement the decisions of the politburo. The chairmen of the and the president of the were also members of the politburo. Secretariat of the Central Committee The Central Committee Secretariat met each Wednesday to implement decisions finalised by the Politburo the previous day and to prepare the agenda for the Central Committee's next weekly meeting. The Secretariat comprised the Central Committee Party Secretaries. The Secretariat played a decisive role in selecting the of the Central Committee. Nomenklatura members were the holders of the top 300 or so positions in the party and the state: changes to the Nomenklatura membership list required the approval of the Central Committee Secretariat. The 1st Congress The 1st Party Congress Vereinigungsparteitag , which convened on 21 April 1946, was the unification congress. This congress elected two co-chairmen to lead the party: , former leader of the eastern KPD, and , former leader of the eastern SPD. The union was initially intended to apply to the whole of occupied Germany. The union was rejected consistently in the three western occupation zones, where both parties remained independent. The union of the two parties was thus effective only in the Soviet zone. The SED was modeled after the. In 1946, the unification was announced in the Soviet occupation zone with an emblem of a handshake. The 2nd Congress The 2nd Party Congress convened from 20—24 July 1947. It adopted a fresh party statute and transformed the party executive committee into a central committee Zentralkomitee or ZK. The 3rd Congress The 3rd Party Congress convened in July 1950 and emphasized industrial progress. These enterprises incorporated 75% of the industrial sector. At the same time, the party completed its transformation into a more orthodox Soviet-style party with the election of Walter Ulbricht as the party's General Secretary. The 6th Congress The 6th Party Congress convened from 15—21 January 1963. The congress approved a new party program and a new party membership statute. Walter Ulbricht was re-elected as the party's First Secretary. During his report at the 7th Party Congress in 1967, had called for a return to an orthodox Socialist economic system, away from the recently instituted. But the about-face in economic policy that year cannot be attributed to Honecker's advancement alone. During the previous two winters, the GDR had been plagued with power shortages and traffic breakdowns. The 8th Congress From 1971 onwards, congresses were held every five years. The last was the 11th Party Congress in April 1986. In theory the party congresses set policy and elected the leadership, provided a forum for discussing the leadership's policies, and undertook activities that served to legitimize the party as a mass movement. They were formally empowered to pass both the party program and the statutes, to establish the general party line, to elect the members of the Central Committee and the members of the Central Auditing Commission, and to approve the Central Committee's report. Between congresses the Central Committee could convene a party conference to resolve policy and personnel issues. In the spring of 1971, the 8th Congress rolled back some of the programs associated with the Ulbricht era and emphasized short-term social and economic problems. The SED used the occasion to announce its willingness to cooperate with and the Soviet Union in helping to solve a variety of international problems, particularly the future political status of Berlin. This applies to questions of content as well as of style, in short to those questions which constitute what one calls artistic mastery. The 9th Party Congress in May 1976 can be viewed as a midpoint in the development of SED policy and programs. Most of the social and economic goals announced at the 8th Congress had been reached; however, the absence of a definitive statement on further efforts to improve the working and living conditions of the population proved to be a source of concern. The SED sought to redress these issues by announcing, along with the Council of Ministers and the leadership of the FDGB, a specific program to raise living standards. The 9th Congress initiated a hard line in the cultural sphere, which contrasted with the policy of openness and tolerance enunciated at the previous congress. Six months after the 9th Congress, for example, the GDR government withdrew permission for the singer to live in East Germany. The congress also highlighted the fact that East Germany had achieved international recognition in the intervening years. East Germany's growing involvement in both the East European economic system and the global economy reflected its new international status. This international status and the country's improved diplomatic and political standing were the major areas stressed by this congress. The 9th Party Congress also served as a forum for examining the future challenges facing the party in domestic and foreign policy. On the foreign policy front, the major events were various speeches delivered by representatives of West European Marxist—Leninist parties, particularly the Italian, Spanish, and French, all of which expressed in varying ways ideological differences with the Soviet Union. At the same time, although allowing different views to be heard, the SED rejected many of these criticisms in light of its effort to maintain the special relationship with the Soviet Union emphasized by Honecker. Another major point of emphasis at the congress was the issue of inter-German. On the East German side, the benefits were mixed. The GDR regime considered economic benefits as a major advantage, but the party viewed with misgivings the rapid increase in travel by West Germans to and through the GDR. During the 9th Congress, the SED also responded to some of the public excitement and unrest that had emerged in the aftermath of the signing of the , the human rights documents issued at the meetings in 1975 of the. The 10th Congress The 10th Congress, which took place in April 1981, celebrated the status quo; the meeting unanimously re-elected Honecker to the office of general secretary, and there were no electoral surprises, as all incumbents except the ailing 76-year-old Albert Norden were returned to the and the Secretariat. The congress highlighted the importance of policies that had been introduced or stressed at the two previous congresses and that had dominated East German life during the 1970s. As in the past, Honecker stressed the importance of the ties to the Soviet Union. Honecker reiterated earlier positions on the relationship between the two German states, stressing that they were two sovereign states that had developed along different lines since World War II, and that their differences had to be respected by both sides as they continued efforts toward peaceful coexistence despite membership in antagonistic alliances. In his speeches, Honecker, along with other SED officials, devoted greater attention to Third World countries than he had done in the past. Honecker mentioned the continually increasing numbers of young people from African, Asian, and Latin American countries who received their higher education in East Germany, and he referred to many thousands of people in those countries who had been trained as apprentices, skilled workers, and instructors by teams from East Germany. The bulk of the Central Committee report delivered at the opening session of the congress by the general secretary discussed the economic and social progress made during the five years since the 9th Congress. The 11th Congress The 11th Congress in , The 11th Congress, held 17—21 April 1986, unequivocally endorsed the SED and Honecker, whom it confirmed for another term as party head. East Germany's successes, presented as a personal triumph for Honecker, marked a crowning point in his political career. Overall, the 11th Congress exhibited confidence in East Germany's role as the strongest economy and the most stable country in Eastern Europe. Gorbachev praised the East German experience as proof that central planning could be effective and workable in the 1980s. Official statements on the subject of foreign policy were mixed, particularly with respect to East Germany's relations with West Germany and the rest of Western Europe. However, the SED leadership made it unequivocally clear that its foreign policy, including relations with West Germany, would remain closely coordinated with Moscow's. However, after a final round of talks with Gorbachev, Honecker signed a hard-line communiqué that openly attacked the policies of the West German government. Overall, Gorbachev's statements suggested that the foreign policy emphasis would be on a common foreign policy adhered to by all members of the under Soviet direction. Until the 11th Party Congress, East German leaders had maintained that small and medium states had a significant role to play in international affairs. As a result of Soviet pressure, such statements disappeared from East German commentary on foreign policy. A SED Membership Card. On the day of the 40th anniversary of the founding of the GDR, 7 October 1989, the old was illegally refounded. The rest of October saw widespread protests across the country, including in East Berlin and. At a special Politbüro meeting on 18 October, Honecker was voted out as general secretary and replaced by , the party's number-two leader. Krenz tried to portray himself as a reformer, but few believed him. He was almost as detested as Honecker himself, and most of the populace remembered that only four months earlier, he had gone to China to thank the regime there for the suppression in Tiananmen Square. Krenz made some attempts to adjust state policy. However, he could not or would not satisfy the growing demands of the people for increased freedom. One of the regime's efforts to stem the tide ended up being its death knell. On 9 November the SED Politbüro drafted new travel regulations allowing anyone who wanted to visit West Germany to do so by crossing East Germany's borders with official permission. However, no one told the party's unofficial spokesman, East Berlin party boss , that the regulations were to take effect the next afternoon. Thousands of East Berliners crowded at the Wall, demanding to be let through. Unprepared and unwilling to use force, the guards were quickly overwhelmed and let them through the gates to West Berlin. The fall of the Wall destroyed the SED politically. On 1 December 1989, the GDR parliament rescinded the clause in the enshrining the SED's guaranteed right to rule, formally ending Communist rule in East Germany. On 3 December 1989, the entire Central Committee and Politbüro—including Krenz—resigned. Main article: Some younger members of the SED had been receptive to Gorbachev's reforms, but had more or less been silenced until the events of 1989. Soon after the SED abandoned power, , a reformist, was elected to the new post of party chairman. In his first speech, Gysi admitted that the SED was responsible for the country's economic problems—thus repudiating everything the party had done since 1949. He also declared that the party needed to adopt a new form of socialism. As December wore on, most of the party's hardliners—including Honecker, Krenz and others—were pushed out as the party made a desperate attempt to change its image. By the time of a special 16 December congress, the SED was no longer a Marxist—Leninist party. On 4 February 1990, what remained of the party was renamed solely as the PDS. On 18 March 1990, the PDS was roundly defeated in ; the coalition, led by the CDU , won on a platform of speedy reunification with the west. The SED had sequestered money overseas in secret accounts, including some which turned up in Liechtenstein in 2008. This was returned to the German government, as the PDS had rejected claims to overseas SED assets in 1990. The vast majority of domestic SED assets were transferred to the GDR government before unification. Legal issues over back taxes possibly owed by the PDS on former SED assets were eventually settled in 1995, when an agreement between the PDS and the Independent Commission on Property of Political Parties and Mass Organizations of the GDR was confirmed by the Berlin Administrative Court. The PDS survived the. It was represented in the without interruption until 2007, and eventually began growing again. It has remained influential in former eastern Germany, especially at the state and local levels. It has been important in addressing east-German issues and addressing social problems. In 2007 the PDS merged with the western-based WASG to create the new party Die Linke , which has resulted in a higher acceptance in western states, the party now also being represented in the parliaments of , , , , , and. Initially the SED had a branch in , but in 1962 that branch became a separate party called the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Westberlins - SEW. The party changed its name to Socialist Initiative Sozialistische Initiative in April 1990, then dissolved in June 1991, part of its members subsequently joining the. Tipton 1 January 2003. A History of Modern Germany Since 1815. East German Distinctiveness in a Unified Germany. Bundesstiftung zur Aufarbeitung der SED-Diktatur, Berlin. Retrieved 23 March 2015. Revolution 1989: The Fall of the Soviet Empire. The World Today Series: Nordic, Central and Southeastern Europe 2008. Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications.
In Gusto single partys gera, at the third Party Conference, the SED's Central Committee was elected on thewhich at this time employed a single list electoral system: most members of the serving party executive were replaced. März 2017 Hier teilnehmen an Ladys Night-Partyhaus Gera-Eintritt in Partyhaus Gera 07545 Gera am 23: 00 Uhr, Samstag, 28. Elemente afrikanischer Kultur, Artistik und tempogeladener Single partys gera vermischen sich zu einem exotischen Circus-Event mit atemberaubenden Die brainLight GmbH als Marktführer im Bereich ganzheitliche Entspannung bietet zahlreiche Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten. The 3rd Congress The 3rd Party Congress convened in July 1950 and emphasized industrial progress. It worked alongside the administrative body of paid officials who were occasionally also members of the social leadership team. Party secretaries underwent a special monthly political process that included instructive guidance and verification by representatives from higher level party committees. The Party Central Committee, reflecting the country's overall power structure, was overwhelmingly male: the proportion of women never rose above 15%. Sie lieben den Del. In theory the party congresses set policy and elected the leadership, provided a forum for discussing the leadership's policies, and undertook activities that served to legitimize the party as a mass movement. The congress also highlighted the fact that East Germany had achieved international recognition in the intervening years. The chairmen of the and the president of the were also members of the politburo.

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